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The Birth of Geopolitics

When he declared at the end of the 16th century that "whoever controls the sea controls the world," the explorer Walter Raleigh was far from imagining that he was formulating a geopolitical equation destined for a long posterity, but also to provoke heated debate. In a world where globalization is resulting in the maritime transformation of spaces, how can we understand today's strategies regarding maritime spaces? In this context, we will examine the various concepts developed throughout history in order to see what makes them converge or diverge before exploring more contemporary avenues.

Geopolitics, as an autonomous discipline, has deep roots in the geographical and strategic thought developed between the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Although the term "geopolitics" was officially coined only in 1916-17 by Swedish and German researchers, notably Rudolf Kjellén, systematic reflections on the interaction between space and power already existed before then. Among these reflections, Halford Mackinder's contribution stands out, even though he never used the term, as he is considered one of the principal founders of this discipline.

Mackinder defined himself as a geographer and considered his writings a contribution to the advancement of geographical science, rather than the foundation of a separate discipline. However, his thought is in line with t hat of other key figures such as Alfred Mahan, theorist of maritime domination, and Friedrich Ratzel, who developed the concept of "living space." Unlike these authors, Mackinder introduced an integrated approach, centered on the idea that geography possesses intrinsic political and strategic value, determining the possibilities for expansion, defense, and economic growth of nations.

One of the fundamental aspects of his thinking was the idea that geography was a determining factor in the distribution of global power, but while geography shapes national strategies, technological innovations can alter their strategic significance over time. His analysis rests on the idea that each historical era is characterized by a different balance between geographical constraints and the opportunities offered by technological innovation. Thus, Mackinder argued that with advances in transportation and communication, distances no longer constituted an insurmountable obstacle, thereby radically changing the strategic value of certain regions.

From the perspective of states, geography represents a fundamental element in the quest for power, but a state's ability to exploit its geographical resources depends largely on the technologies available at a given time.

Throughout history, maritime powers have always had an advantage over land powers thanks to their ability to project force across ocean routes. However, with the advent of the railway in the 19th century, this balance shifted. Continental states, which had previously been disadvantaged by the difficulty of transporting goods and troops over long distances, could now move more quickly and coordinate their economies and militaries more effectively.

This technological evolution had profound consequences on the organization of world powers and allowed land powers to compete on equal terms with maritime powers, thus reducing their traditional strategic disadvantage.

According to Mackinder, the geographical method had to answer four fundamental questions:

  1. The "why" of a given geographical phenomenon had to be explained by physiography, that is to say, by the study of the physical characteristics of the Earth.

  2. The "where" was related to topography, which analyzed the position of geographical elements on the map.

  3. The question "why is it located there?" had to be analyzed by physical geography, which studied the influence of climate, natural resources, and the morphology of the territory.

  4. The question of "how it interacts with society" fell within the domain of political geography, which analyzed the impact of geographical characteristics on the social and political organization of nations.

This approach represented a break with the traditional view, which treated physical geography and political geography as two separate fields. Mackinder insisted that geographical knowledge had to be integrated to understand the true nature of international relations.

One of the fundamental concepts developed by Mackinder is the idea that geography is not simply a neutral backdrop to history, but an element that conditions the power strategies of nations and that each historical era was characterized by a specific balance between land and sea powers, influenced by the technological capacity to overcome geographical obstacles.

Dans le passé, les États dotés d’une forte tradition navale, comme le Royaume-Uni et les Pays-Bas, dominaient le commerce mondial et la politique internIn the past, states with a strong naval tradition, such as the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, dominated world trade and international politics through their control of ocean routes. However, with the introduction of railways and land transport infrastructure, continental powers, such as Germany and Russia, acquired a new capacity for power projection, which until then had been the exclusive privilege of island nations.ationale grâce à leur contrôle des routes océaniques. Toutefois, avec l’introduction des chemins de fer et des infrastructures de transport terrestre, les puissances continentales, telles que l’Allemagne et la Russie, acquirent une nouvelle capacité de projection de puissance, qui jusqu’alors avait été le privilège exclusif des nations insulaires.

This technological transformation led Mackinder to develop a theory that would revolutionize geopolitics: the concept of the Heartland, a geographical region which, thanks to new means of transport and communication, could become the nerve center of world power.

Heartland Theory: The Pivot of Modern Geopolitics

In 1904, Mackinder presented his famous essay, *The Geographical Pivot of History*, to the Royal Geographical Society, in which he introduced the concept of the "Pivot Area" or Heartland. According to his analysis, the central region of Eurasia, once isolated and difficult to access, was becoming the strategic center of the world thanks to technological advances.

This area, characterized by vast plains devoid of significant natural obstacles and difficult to attack by sea, had historically been inhabited by nomadic peoples, such as the Huns and the Mongols, who, over the centuries, had threatened Europe and Asia with their raids. However, with the development of railways, control of this region could be stabilized and used as a base for exerting global dominance.



Mackinder identified three strategic areas :

  1. The Heartland (Central Zone): comprising the Eurasian steppes, Russia, and part of Central Asia. According to Mackinder, whoever controlled this region would have a tremendous strategic advantage.

  2. The Inner Belt: including Western Europe, China, India, and the Middle East. These areas were economically developed and culturally advanced, but vulnerable to expansion by the Heartland powers.

  3. The Outer Belt: encompassing island and oceanic powers, such as the United Kingdom, the United States, and Japan, which controlled global trade routes.

For Mackinder
  • Whoever controls Eastern Europe dominates the Heartland.
  • Whoever controls the Heartland commands the World Island (Eurasia and Africa).
  • Whoever commands the World-Island controls the World.
This theory implied that domination of the Eurasian landmass was the key to global hegemony and that maritime powers had to prevent any single nation from consolidating its control over this region.

Mackinder applied his method of geographical analysis to history, demonstrating how control of the Heartland had been a determining factor in past political and military events. He emphasized how the nomadic empires of Central Asia, such as that of Genghis Khan, had used the Heartland's strategic position to launch raids into Europe, the Middle East, and China.

Similarly, the expansion of the Russian Empire in the 18th and 19th centuries demonstrated that control of the Eurasian steppes was a crucial factor in the global balance of power. According to Mackinder, Tsarist Russia had become a major power precisely because of its ability to exploit the resources and strategic position of the Heartland.

Another historical example cited by Mackinder was the rivalry between Rome and Carthage. Rome, thanks to its strong territorial base, had been able to develop a naval power capable of defeating Carthage in the Punic Wars. Rome's ultimate success stemmed from its control of the hinterland and its ability to integrate naval and land power. This principle, according to Mackinder, remained valid in the 20th century and would continue to shape the course of world politics.

One of the key factors that, according to Mackinder, altered the geopolitical balance was the Industrial Revolution. He pointed out that, prior to the transportation revolution, maritime powers enjoyed a distinct advantage over land powers, as ocean routes offered a faster and more economical means for trade and military mobilization.

With the advent of the railway and large-scale transport, however, the continental powers could now organize and exploit their resources much more efficiently. The Heartland, once considered a marginal region, was now becoming the nerve center of world politics.

This transformation, according to Mackinder, implied that maritime powers, such as the United Kingdom and the United States, needed to revise their strategies to contain the expansion of continental powers. In particular, he suggested that the United Kingdom should establish a series of alliances with the nations of the Inner Belt in order to counter the influence of the Heartland.

Nicholas Spykman and the Rimland


Nicholas John Spykman (1893-1943) is one of the pillars of classical geopolitics, alongside figures such as Halford Mackinder and Alfred Thayer Mahan. Born in Amsterdam, Spykman moved to the United States in 1921, where he pursued a brilliant academic career, culminating in his appointment as a professor at Yale in 1935. His geopolitical thinking, however, differed markedly from that of his contemporaries: for Spykman, the true center of world power was not the Heartland of Eurasia, as Mackinder argued, but the Rimland, the coastal belt surrounding the Heartland.

Spykman’s most famous insight concerns the Rimland, the coastal belt of Eurasia that includes regions such as Western Europe, the Middle East, South Asia, and the Far East. Unlike Mackinder, who saw the Heartland as the linchpin of global power, Spykman argued that the Rimland was more important because it combined population density, economic resources, and access to sea routes.

This theory, expounded in detail in his posthumous work The Geography of the Peace (1944), has had a lasting influence on the political and military strategies of the United States, particularly during the Cold War.

Friedrich Ratzel and the "Lebensraum"

Lebensraum, or living space, is a geopolitical concept that refers to the idea of ​​territory sufficient, firstly, to ensure the survival, particularly cultural, of a people and, secondly, to promote its growth through territorial influence.

The term Lebensraum was coined by Friedrich Ratzel towards the end of the 19th century. Ratzel believed that the development of a people is primarily influenced by its geographical location and that a people who have successfully “adapted” to one place will naturally expand into another. According to him, available space must be filled. Expansion is therefore a normal and necessary mechanism for all “healthy species.

In the twentieth century, these ideas were developed by Karl Haushofer and Friedrich von Bernhardi. They are linked to the concept of Volks- und Kulturbodenforschung (People's and Cultural Research), coined by the Stiftung für deutsche Volks- und Kulturbodenforschung (Foundation for German People's and Cultural Research), a circle headed by Wilhelm Volz and created at the initiative of the Ministry of the Interior, which held its first session in October 1923 and became the main representative of the alliance between scientific research and German nationalism during the interwar period. This concept distinguishes three concentric zones: the Reich, that is, the territory controlled by the state; the Volksboden, or "ethnic territory" inhabited by Germanic populations; and the Kulturboden ("cultural zone"), where the influence of Germanic culture is felt; and the German government concludes that colonization is necessary as a means of increasing both the empire and "living space."

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